That is precisely what Sperling found, even for large arrays of i

That is precisely what Sperling found, even for large arrays of items, as long as the subset to be reported was relatively small (e.g., three to five items). A recent study by Blaser and Kaldy (2010) reported a similar pattern of results in 6-month-old infants. They presented infants with an array CH5424802 price of up to 10 items varying in shape and color for a brief 1-sec duration and then highlighted two of the items by removing them from the array for 1/2 sec. When these removed items reappeared, one of them had changed. The dependent measure was whether infants looked at the changed item. As

in Sperling (1960), if all of the items in the array were encoded into STM, then regardless of which subset was highlighted, infants should detect the changed item and look longer at it. However, if infants cannot encode all of the items in the array, there will be a set-size limit beyond which the novelty preference for the changed item will fail to exceed chance. This pattern of results was precisely

what Blaser and Kaldy found—at set sizes of 2, 4, and 6 infants looked longer at the changed item, but at set sizes of 8 and 10 they did not. These results suggest that 6-month-olds have a STM capacity of at least six items in a briefly presented array. Along with prior results on WM, these results also confirm that infants have more limited information-processing capacities than adults, although their capacities are still rather impressive given Lenvatinib supplier the absence of task instructions, motivation, and training. What then mitigates Problem 2—the tuclazepam inability to keep track of all possible statistics? Over the past two decades, a variety of constraints have been proposed and verified experimentally to account for the naïve learner’s ability to overcome the computational explosion problem (i.e., attempting to keep track of everything).

These constraints include the following. Attentional biases—infants appear to “naturally” attend to object shape and to the whole object rather than its parts (Smith, 2003), to syllables rather than phonemes (Bertoncini & Mehler, 1981), to a variety of Gestalt principles (Bhatt & Quinn, 2011) such as proximity, synchrony, and stream segregation (within an octave), and to limit inferences to a single possibility (i.e., mutual exclusivity in object names; Markman, Wasow, & Hansen, 2003). Social cues—infants appear to be guided in their attention by the gaze, manual exploration, and pointing gestures of their caregivers (Baldwin, 1993). Environmental simplification—infants benefit from a variety of ways in which caregivers declutter or enhance stimuli in their proximal environment (Kuhl et al., 1997). Cross-situational statistical learning—infants can determine by a simplified “process of elimination” that names and objects are linked even when these linkages are inferred rather than overt (Smith & Yu, 2008).

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